Wednesday, May 25, 2005

The danger of poor broadcasting regulations for local election

R. Kristiawan, Jakarta

Indonesia will soon see dozens of local direct elections. Next month alone, according to Cetro (The Center for Electoral Reform), there will be 181 elections, an average of six elections per day throughout the country. For the year there will be 215 elections -- mayors, regents and governors.

Last year's legislative and presidential elections showed the effective power of the media, especially TV stations, in delivering the messages of the candidates to the voters.

For all of these elections, national and regional TV coverage will play a key role. There are around 50 local television stations across the country. Some belong to private companies, but several are owned and operated by local governments. Yogyakarta is rather unique, because Yogya TV belongs to the family of Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, who also happens to be the governor of the special province. Meanwhile, state-owned TVRI has 24 local stations.

In a local television workshop last February, participants from local television stations generally agreed that the direct elections were an important item to cover. Most felt it was their duty to encourage democratization on the local level through their stations.

But the absence of any local broadcasting regulations in relation to the elections has blurred their democratic perspective. For many regions across the country, popular political discourse on these elections has not touched on the the need for local media regulation.

The Indonesian Broadcasting Committee (KPI) has 14 active provincial branches, or (KPID). But many of them have not developed local media regulations in relation to the upcoming polls. Worse still, in the case of Papua, there are several TV stations but there is not a KPID branch.
According to a survey by the SET Foundation (2005), there is an enormous tendency to control local media during the campaigning. The case of a regency in West Java shows that the regent actually pays many local print media journalists monthly. Their "salaries" can range between Rp 250,000 (US$25) and Rp 400,000.

The money is intended to ensure media support of the regent in the campaign process. It has become a very effective tool for the regent. Because, as a result, the local newspapers all support the regent and his policies and do not print anything about the corruption accusations against him. Similar cases are likely to occur with the electronic media if there is no regulation.

Local television stations were only allowed to start operating after Soeharto's fall in May 1998, with a strong sense of political idealism. But this political orientation now has shifted to an economic orientation, since they need to cover costs for daily operation. Some local stations, like Bali TV and Tarakan TV in East Kalimantan, have succeeded in this transition. Now they are quite prominent in Indonesia in terms of business.

Local TV stations need regulations, especially during the upcoming local direct elections. Due to the absence of local broadcasting regulation, the stations can be easily used by political power. "Win-win agreement" between stations and the political powerholders will potentially take place since local stations need money.

There is a chance for local political powerholders to use local stations for their interests.
First is by monopolizing large blocks of airtime, many local stations now have problems in program production, so they will likely take what is offered. This problem directly relates to advertising income. If candidates can buy up the airtime, the station will get income. But this means that the candidates who have much money will dominate the TV programs. Without regulation, candidates have possibility to cooperate with local televisions to air TV programs as par of their political campaign.

Second is by buying up all the commercial ad time. Many local stations have problems airing commercials as well. The problem is, in Indonesia there is no difference between commercial advertising, political advertising and Public Service Announcements (PSA). Thus, there is no special treatment whether it is soap, tooth paste, condoms or a governor in Indonesian commercial policy. This ultra liberal perspective means also that there is no limitation to the number or types of ads.

Candidates with a lot of money will potentially dominate the advertising. Wealthy candidates have more opportunities to campaign on local television-commercial breaks. They potentially will be more popular than poorer candidates. Similar problems actually occurred in the national elections last year.

For many regions, there are only a few weeks left to overcome this problem. Of course it is impossible to enact a new law, but the authorities still can overcome the problems. Local Election Commission branches (KPUD) and Local Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPID) can publish a common decree on local broadcasting regulations before the elections. The KPID needs to collaborate with the KPUD because the KPID has no right to publish regulations, but the KPUD do have that right.

This solution was pioneered by the KPID of West Java province. Many other regions are not as progressive as West Java. We are now still waiting to see the same steps taken by others, particularly North Sumatra. We need to encourage this solution for many regions especially for those that will conduct local direct elections in June 2005.

However, some KPIDs still are facing a myriad of internal problems, such as difficulties in organizational skills. Some of them have difficulties in defining their function, especially in terms of the campaigns, and independence is hard to implement. In Central Java, one KPID officer is a candidate for mayor in the upcoming poll. Will there not be some kind of conflict of interest?
Despite all the problems, the KPID should be encouraged as an institution to promote democratization in broadcasting in local level.

The writer is a researcher with the SET Foundation, and is a lecturer at Atma Jaya University in Jakarta. He has conducted research for the local direct elections in Papua, West Java, and West Sumatra.

(as published in the Jakarta Post, Monday 23/05/05)

Tuesday, May 17, 2005

Temanggung's potent tobacco history

Temanggung's potent tobacco history
The Jakarta Post, Saturday, October 27, 2001
R. Kristiawan, Temanggung, Central Java

A small town in Central Java called Temanggung is far more famous than Jakarta, and at least as popular as Bali, for many of the people of Bremen, Germany.
Why should a little town located between Mt. Sumbing and Mt. Sindoro can be so popular? According to one Bremen resident, Bremen used to be a thriving center for the tobacco trade in Europe and Temanggung was distinguished for its high quality tobacco.
Temanggung is indeed synonymous with tobacco to many connoisseurs. In the small town, people have been growing the plant for centuries. And it grows very well indeed, thanks to a perfect balance of climate and fertile soil.
The region's high quality tobacco contains some 3 to 8 percent nicotine, the kind of tobacco loved by hedonistic smokers.
One of Temanggung's unique types of tobacco is the one locally called srinthil, a genetically altered strain which is extremely rich in nicotine. Its scent alone is preferred by growers and consumers.
Tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum) was introduced for the first time in Temanggung in 1630 by Dutch colonial farmers together with other potential plants such as Robusta coffee.
In a very short time, the Dutch found that tobacco grew exceptionally well in the fertile soil of the region.
Demand for Temanggung tobacco has remained high for the last several hundred years. Kretek or clove cigarette companies depend on 14 to 26 percent of the total production of Temanggung tobacco yearly.
The tobacco industry in the region contributes some Rp 7.5 trillion in taxes to the local government.
This is one of the reasons why tobacco has become the region's main source of income as well as for the 66,072 people involved in the business.
Covering an area of some 11,000 hectares, tobacco plantations in Temanggung yields some Rp 10 million per year, per hectare.
With good conditions, the average revenue that Temanggung can expect from the plantation can be as much as Rp 20 million per hectare per year -- less the amount the local government is entitled to in taxes, which is on average about Rp 2.6 million per year. In 1997, the taxes and fees reached a peak of Rp 4 million per hectare.
Tobacco also contributes a great deal to the Gross Regional Domestic Income (PDRB). During the period from 1993 to 1998 local administrators recorded an average contribution of 12.47 percent.
The statistics show that tobacco is a very important, but high risk business in Temanggung.
Growing tobacco is not easy. If the farmers make a mistake in predicting the climate, for instance, millions of rupiah can vanish from their hands.
"If rain falls during the dry season, the plant will decay quickly," said Untung Prabowo of the local plantation bureau.
Tobacco prices, too, fluctuate dramatically. Last year, for instance, the price for Temanggung tobacco was Rp 20,887 per kilogram. In 1997, it was only Rp 4,456 per kilogram.

Sowing economic and environmental success

Sowing economic and environmental success
The Jakarta Post, Saturday, October 27, 2001
R. Kristiawan, Temanggung, Central Java

Economic and environmental concerns are sometimes really hard to mix. In reality, they should support each other but in too many cases, the environment is sacrificed for the sake of economic interests.

Degradation of the soil quality in many areas in Temanggung is one example among many of poor environmental management.
A 1999 study conducted by Djajadi, a researcher from Fiber Plant and Tobacco Research Center in Malang, East Java, discovered a decrease in both the productivity and quality of Temanggung tobacco. Degradation of soil quality, in this case soil erosion, was the reason behind the decrease.
Continuous and intensive tobacco planting, from generation to generation, has been blamed for the soil erosion. The research discovered that such a planting system damaged the organic composition of the soil, causing a decrease in the capacity of the soil to absorb rainwater. As a result, rainwater washed over the soil, carrying with it the fertile topsoil.

Tobacco farmers here usually till the land in January and February, the time when rain falls heavily. Since the land has just being plowed, the soil cannot absorb the rainwater well. A high concentration of rainwater is left on the surface, causing erosion.

The magnitude of the problem of erosion in the region needs urgent attention. A recent research conducted by Yogyakarta-based Gadjah Mada University's school of geography cited the average erosion rate here at 53.72 tons per hectare per year on land with a declivity of 63 degrees.

The level of erosion in areas known as main tobacco producers like Lamsi, Paksi and Toalo on the slopes of Mt. Sindoro that have a declivity of 30 degrees, was recorded as "heavy" to "very heavy". From a distance, one can see the dry, critical condition of the area, which in fact, contributes 30 percent of the total tobacco production in Temanggung.

Some farmers, in an effort to increase the organic content of the soil, add manure to the soil. This results in an increase in the price of manure. For the farmers, this is an added burden considering that a hectare of land needs some 20 tons to 30 tons of buffalo manure -- costing them between Rp 3 million to Rp 4 million.

The local government had tried to do something about the matter by introducing policies that will gradually limit the tobacco plantation area and by introducing new varieties of agricultural plants.

Temanggung Regent Sardjono, for example, decided in 1998 that the total area of tobacco plantation in the region should not exceed 10,000 hectares. The policy was aimed mainly at encouraging farmers not to plant tobacco only.

So far, the policy seems to be working. The tobacco plantation area has decreased from 17,727 hectares in 1998 to 11,645 hectares in 1999.

"Since we know that we cannot rely solely on tobacco due to environmental problems, we have started to introduce new plant varieties including Arabic coffee. We chose plants that are harvested annually in order to protect the soil from further erosion," said Untung Prabowo of the local plantation office.

However, he realized it was difficult to change the habit of local farmers to plant tobacco, something they have done for centuries, within a short period. "But there has been a good progress," Untung added. In Joho, for example, farmers have started to plant watermelon, while in Pringsurat farmers chose to plant Zalacca or salak as the fruit is locally known. Economically high-value crop Arabic coffee has also started to grow in Tlilir village.
"Those plants are good, both economically and ecologically. They do not damage the soil," said Untung, adding that the farmers might also plant vanilla for its high returns, Rp 110,000 per kilogram.

"But we're still waiting for a genetic engineering study conducted by Gadjah Mada University to create disease-resistant vanilla plants," Untung said.
Previously, Temanggung farmers had produced vanilla but they stopped it after finding it was susceptible to disease. Until now, tobacco is still Temanggung's number one agricultural product.

Monday, May 16, 2005

Seeking to guarantee equality in upcoming polls

by R. Kristiawan , Media Working Group for Election Program Science, Aesthetics, and Technology Foundation (SET), Jakarta

The upcoming elections will take place in the wake of the media's liberalization, since 1998. At first, this seems positive -- assuming that the media encourages democratization -- however, flaws in the new election system will likely ensure the political domination of those with big money.

Law 12/2003 on the electoral system stipulates in chapter 73, article 1, that the electronic and print media must give equal opportunities to electoral participants -- to publish the details of their campaign. Article 2 stipulates that electronic and print media should give electoral participants the equal opportunity to advertise.

Article 2, in particular, could potentially allow certain participants to dominate the media in terms of airtime or printed space. The phrase "equal opportunity" -- an ideal concept -- neglects the fact that airtime or printed space is not free of charge.

In general the mass media, particularly television, holds the policy -- not to differentiate between political and commercial advertising -- in short, they charge the same price regardless of content. Thus, there is no difference between the public service announcements of non government organizations, the advertisements of political parties or presidential campaigns, or soap commercials. Prime time broadcasting now costs between Rp 10 million and Rp 20 million for 30 seconds.

Thus, only "rich" political parties will be able to afford TV campaigns, (just a daydream for small parties). The campaign-war has begun. Some parties have already started to block airtime. If a big party blocks two hours of prime time -- assuming 30 seconds costs Rp 15 million -- they will need some Rp 3.6 billion.

There is obviously a wide gap between parties financially. A small party with 2 million members may not be able to raise Rp 100 million to hold a simple meeting.

Since the official end of the 32-year-old New Order regime in 1998, political and media liberalization progressed. Hundreds of parties suddenly participated in the 1999 elections. "Reform" was interpreted as unlimited political expression. But our political system seems unprepared, as indicated by larger-scale corruption (no longer limited to the higher ranks of bureaucracy) and the failure to overcome many of the country's problems.

For big parties, the 1999 elections were an important lesson, as to win the war they had to compete with many small parties. This never happened under the New Order. The victor could be predicted before the war started.

Large parties then drew up many strategies to maintain their position -- mainly in the regulation making process. This is evident from law no. 12/2003. For example, a convict can become a presidential candidate. Reform in this context just means that big parties can do anything they want.

Media liberalization can be traced back to the establishment of private television stations in the late 1980s. Now people can choose from 10 channels. The growth of private TV has also contributed to democratization; at least people are not limited to TVRI, (although the state-owned channel has formally become a public-owned media).

Ahead of the "democracy fiesta" of the 2004 elections, the major priority for parties has become their budget for advertising.

The implication is that the public will only be aware of the big parties with money. This is a "win-win" situation for big parties -- they made the rules of the game through their domination in the legislature.

If democracy means equal opportunity, there must be rules to guarantee equality in media expression. If it has been proved that capital handicaps some parties, we need to reassess how the political arena operates. Thus, it is very important to limit the advertising quota of parties. As Karl-Heinz Nassmacher wrote, "money strengthens political influence for those who have it, or those who distribute it". With no regulation, Indonesian democracy will be simply a matter of money.

(as posted in The Jakarta Post, Opinion and Editorial - September 13, 2003)